Sunday, April 17, 2005

Nationalism and Decomcracy

Just in about ten days, the tension between China and Japan jumped from initial diplomatic complains to the large-scale demonstrations in both countries. Many news reports used "Nationalism" to describe the root of this conflict. BigEagle thinks that there must have many people who have only a vague idea of the true meaning of Nationalism - even myself is not 100% sure I know the meaning. So it is time to do some research on this subject. I hope that we can also find out what is the relationship between the nationalism and democracy.

Nationalism is, according to Wikipedia (note: many definitions here were taken from it), an ideology that creates and sustains a nation as a concept of a common identity for groups of humans. According to some theories of nationalism, the preservation of identity features, the independence in all subjects, the wellbeing, and the glory of one's own nation are fundamental values.

Nationalism is a controversial term, as its most general definition is broad and has been controversial throughout history, and specific examples of nationalism are extremely diverse. Often the most negative consequences of the clash of nationalisms, ethnic tension, war, and political conflicts within states, are taken for nationalism itself, leading some to view the general concept of nationalism negatively and others to argue that viewing nationalism through its most negative consequences distorts the meaning of the term.

Nationalism may manifest itself as part of official state ideology or as a popular (non-state) movement and may be expressed along civic, ethnic, cultural, religious or ideological lines. However such categories are not mutually exclusive and many nationalist theories combine some or all of these elements to varying degrees.

Types of Nationalism:

Civic nationalism (also civil nationalism) is the form of nationalism in which the state derives political legitimacy from the active participation of its citizenry, the "will of the people"; "political representation". This theory was first developed by Jean-Jacques Rousseau and put down in various writings, particularly On the Social Contract. Civic nationalism lies within the traditions of rationalism and liberalism. It is the theory behind representative democracies such as the United States and France.

Ethnic nationalism is the form of nationalism in which the state derives political legitimacy from historical cultural or hereditary groupings (ethnicities). This was developed by Johann Gottfried von Herder, who introduced the concept of the Volk.

Romantic nationalism (also organic nationalism, identity nationalism) is the form of ethnic nationalism in which the state derives political legitimacy as a natural ("organic") consequence of race; in the spirit of Romanticism and opposed to Enlightenment rationalism. Romantic nationalism relies upon the existence of a historical ethnic culture which meets the Romantic Ideal; folklore developed as a Romantic nationalist concept.

Cultural nationalism is a form of nationalism where only culture and not any hereditary features (such as skin pigmentation) becomes the central aspect of what constitues the nation. The best example for cultural nationalists are the Chinese who consider their nation to be based on culture. Race is being played down by these nationalists as they consider Manchus and other national minorities as part of the Chinese nation. The Qing dynasty's willingness to adapt to Chinese customs shows the supremacy of the mainstream Chinese culture. Many Chinese on Taiwan consider themselves Chinese nationalists because of their cultural background but they reject the Chinese Communist government.

State nationalism is a variant on civic nationalism, very often combined with ethnic nationalism. The nationalistic feelings are that strong that they often get priority over the universal rights and liberties. The success of the state often contrasts and conflicts with the principles of a democratic society. The maintenance of the national state is a superior argument, as if it brings better government on its own. Typical examples are Nazism, but also the contemporary Turkish nationalism, and in a lesser form the right-wing Franquism in Spain, and the Jacobin attitude towards the unitary and centralist French state, as well as Belgian nationalism, fiercely opposed towards equal rights and more autonomy for the Flemings, and the Basque or Corsican nationalists. Systematically, wherever state nationalism is strong, there are conflicting appeals to both the loyalty of the people, and on territories, as the Turkish nationalism and its brutal repression of Kurdish nationalism, the opposition between strong central governement in Spain and France with Basque, Catalan, and Corsican nationalism.

Religious nationalism is the form of nationalism in which the state derives political legitimacy as a consequence of shared religion. Zionism is an example, though many, if not most, forms of ethnic nationalism are in some ways religious nationalism as well. For example, Irish nationalism is associated with Catholicism; Indian nationalism is associated with Hinduism. In modern India, a contempary form of Hindu nationalism, or Hindutva has been prominent among many followers of the Bharatiya Janata Party and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. In general, religious nationalism is viewed as a form of ethnic nationalism.

Sometimes however religion is more of a marker of a group than the motivation for their nationalism. For example although most Irish nationalist leaders of the last 100 years are Catholic, in the 19th century and especially in the 18th century many nationalistic leaders were Protestant. Irish nationalists are not fighting for theological distinctions like transubstantiation, the status of the Virgin Mary, or the primacy of the Pope. Rather they are fighting for an ideology that identifies the geographical island of Ireland with a particular view of Irish culture, which for some nationalists does include Catholicism but has as a more dominant element other elements of culture. For many nations that had to struggle against the consequences of the imperialism of another nation, nationalism was linked to the pursuit of an ideal of freedom.

Islam is nominally opposed to any notion of Nationalism, Tribalism, Racism, or any other categorization of people not based on one's beliefs. Instead of nationalism, Islam advocates a strong feeling of community between all muslims, which is called the Ummah. This feeling of communal consciousness is emphasised by the awareness that a Muslim's daily prayers are shared with others as the sun sweeps across the globe, and during the holy month of Ramadan when worldwide Muslims fast and give charity together, and culminates in the sacred Hajj, the pilgrimage to Mecca in which muslim men and women of all cultures, colours, and backgrounds come together. The word ummah is often incorrectly translated into English as the Islamic "nation" (not to be confused with the "Nation of Islam" which differs altogether from the teachings of Islam and is disapproved of by most Muslims).

Banal nationalism is a concept put forward by Michael Billig (Prof. Social sciences, University of Loughborough) whereby the everyday, less visible forms of nationalism exist, that remind and shape the minds of the nations on a day to day basis.

After we came abroad and received Western education, we naturally have "Western Political Thinking" which believes --
1. Nationalism is an alternative to democracy;
2. Liberal democratic tradition is formed by an idea of universal freedom, individual rigts, equal and individual fulfillment;
3. Nationalism is the ideology of commual existence, collective rights.

Therefore, Democracy is good, civilized, progressive and national. Wheresas, Nationalism is backward,immature, barbaric, irrational, mythological way of thinking. However, democracy is based on Nationalism, in fact, it is mutually needed for starting a democractic enterprise. As we can see from the definitions listed above, Civil Nationalism is democratic because it vests sovereignty in all the people (remember "We the people"... in US Constitution?), but Ethnic Nationalism is not.

My next question: "Which type of Nationalism can evolve to Democracy faster?"

1 comment:

Big Eagle said...

BigEagle: I read the whole text of Ms. Long’s article in China Times (a newspaper in Taiwan) and I think this is one the best articles written by intellectuals on events following the visits of Lien and Sung to China. The followings are a few sections in her article.

龍應台: 『你不能不知道的台灣』

(2005/5/24 form Hong Kong)

………
連戰訪問大陸,人們在桃園機場打了一架。之所以會鬧出流血衝突,一方面固然是民意代表無所不用其極地尋找方式出名──政客們早就學到,製造衝突往往是出名的捷徑。另一方面,台灣人分歧的小敘述在這種關鍵時刻被突顯出來:民主的時間還很短,很多傷口和痛楚,還沒有癒合;很多糾纏的道理,彼此還說不清楚。

對於有些人,歷史的切身認知是,日本人對台灣的統治比國民黨的統治還要文明些。日本總督再怎麼霸道,畢竟還受母體社會日本的法治所規範,而當時的日本是一個已經經過明治維新洗禮的現代化國家,潰散到台灣的國民黨卻正處在一個歷史的低谷──從戊戌變法、辛亥革命、軍閥割據、五四學潮、抗日戰爭、國共內戰,中國人連坐下來綁緊自己草鞋的機會都還沒有。被日本人統治了五十年的台灣人所第一眼看到的「祖國人」,是一個頗為不堪的形象。由於歷史的隔閡又對「祖國人」的不堪沒有什麼歷史的理解,沒有理解,就沒有同情或包容。

緊接而來的高壓統治,更令所有對「祖國」的期待破滅;一九四七年的二二八流血事件,有些人解釋為單純的「官逼民反」,處處發生,這些台灣人,從自己的幻滅和痛苦經驗出發,卻寧可認為,這是「中國人」對「台灣人」的壓迫。把國民黨的問題解釋為「中國人」的問題,再將中國人和共產黨對等起來,很容易得出一個結論:中國人代表不文明,前現代,野蠻。

對於中國、日本,島內民眾各有所好,有一些人,日本人的侵略造成千萬中國人的家破人亡,是刻骨銘心的集體國族記憶,仇深似海。中國再怎麼落後都是自己的國家。國共兩黨再怎麼敵對,都不能和中日間未解的宿仇相比。
……..
首先,不管光譜上的哪一邊,台灣人從頭到尾就不曾覺得自己是中華人民共和國的一部份。受過日本統治的台灣人固然被歷史歸位為日本國民,一九四九年渡海到台灣的則是徹底的「民國人」,根深蒂固的自我認識是:中華民國代表正統中國,共產黨所建立的國,是一個「名不正、言不順」的歷史「意外」。要到一九九一年李登輝宣告「動員戡亂時期」終止,台灣算是正式承認了大陸政權是控制大陸的「政治實體」,也就是說,第一次試圖把中華人民共和國看做一個「平等」的存在。因為自覺是民國正統,所以台灣人從來不覺得自己要「脫離」中國大陸這個政權,因為他們從來就不曾屬於、從來就不曾效忠過那個政權。

以軍事「大國」姿態來看,「蕞爾小島」的台灣人這種認知或許是可被訕笑的,但是若宣稱希望瞭解台灣人,那麼台灣人這種深層的歷史情感和心理結構,恐怕是任何瞭解的基礎第一課吧。
……………
當然,我絕對可以舉出一籮筐的例子來證明台灣人「進化」的不完全:他的政客如何操弄民粹,他的政治領袖如何欺騙選民,他的政府官員如何顢頇傲慢,他的民意代表如何粗劣不堪,他的貧富差距如何正在加大中……台灣人本來就還在現代化的半路上,走得跌跌撞撞。但是這條路的地基結構是清清楚楚的:台灣人已經習慣,情況再壞,總有下一輪的選舉;人民的眼睛是雪亮的,而選票在他手裡。

海峽兩岸,哪裡是統一和獨立的對決?哪裡是社會主義和資本主義的相衝?哪裡是民族主義和分離主義的矛盾?對大部分的台灣人而言,其實是一個生活方式的選擇,極其具體,實實在在,一點不抽象。那麼,如果生活方式的選擇才是問題的關鍵核心所在,你跟他談「血濃於水」、「民族大義」、「國家大業」等等大敘述,是不是完全離了題?
……………
這個時候,再回頭去讀連戰和宋楚瑜在北京的演講,兩篇文章的深意就如清水中的白石,異常分明。

連戰是什麼?他是芝加哥大學政治學博士,是「西洋政治思想史」、「國際法」和「政治學」的教授。宋楚瑜是什麼?他有「國際關係」和「圖書資訊」的兩個碩士學位,又是喬治城大學政治學博士。兩個人都有國學的基礎,又熟悉西方的政治理論和民主實踐,但是在台灣一貫重視教育的環境裡,這樣的學識菁英不計其數,他們不算特出。而在台灣翻天覆地、競爭激烈的民主實驗裡,連戰被視為厚道有餘,能力不足,幾近「昏庸」的角色,宋楚瑜則每下愈況,被描述為極為負面的弄權「大內高手」。

政治,在民主的機器中,已經是一個無比複雜的計算操作。政治人物的形象包裝,利益結盟的輸贏估算,選民的結構分析,新聞議題的引爆和「消毒」,消息透露與否以及透露的時機推敲,效果的評估以及損害的控制……每一個動作、每一句話、每一個眼光,每一個出現或不出現,每一個「遺憾」或「抗議」,都經過沙盤推演。台灣的民主政治,在華人世界裡,可以說已經玩得「爐火純青」。或者說,玩得過頭,技術操作喧賓奪主,深刻的內涵反而被顛覆,使得「大說謊家」容易粉墨上台而理想家出不了頭。

這兩個在台灣玩「輸」了的政治人物,放在大陸的政治環境中,品質反而折射出現。兩個人都引經據典而不費力,都學通中西而不勉強。面對鏡頭,都知道如何運用自己的語言,如何傳遞一種誠懇的眼神和態度。同時,兩篇演講都是細緻深思的作品,懂台灣政壇險惡的人,更能體會這兩篇文章之不易。
……..
連戰在北大,就從自由主義談起。他談蔡元培「循思想自由的原則,取兼容並包之意」;他談台灣大學「爭自由、為民主、保國家」的校風;他指涉杜威的實用主義,「以漸進、逐步的、改良的方式,來面對所有的社會的、國家的問題」;他提出三民主義和社會主義的分岔,又問,「我們要選擇的到底是哪一條路?」他介紹了台灣的經濟發展,可是不忘記說,台灣的成就來自於經濟發展之後開展出來的「政治民主化的工作」。在祝福大陸的經濟成果同時,他緊接著讚美大陸基層的民主選舉制度,甚至於具體地提到中國「憲法」裡頭對於財產作為基本人權的事實。更明確地,他指出,「整個的政治改革……在大陸還有相當的空間來發展。」

連宋演講 在對的時地 說對的話

宋楚瑜的演講策略,在提出兩件事:一是釐清「台灣意識」不等於台獨,一是,台灣最重要的成就不在於「富」,而在於「均富」。「蔣經國先生在執政台灣十六年當中,台灣每一個國民所得從四八二美金成長到五八二九美金,成長了十一倍。但最高所得的家庭五分之一和最低的五分之一,當中的差距一直維持在四-五倍以下的水準。」

連戰會不知道大陸官方對自由主義的態度嗎?他會不清楚目前極其嚴重的拆遷和土地剝削問題嗎?宋楚瑜會不知道在「和平崛起」的後面所隱藏的巨大的貧富不均?顯然都明白,而且,都說出來了。這需要勇氣,需要智慧,也需要承擔。

如果兩人的大陸言行一不小心得罪了北京掌權者,所有的苦心都白費了。可是,如果只是一味地討好北京,不單會招來民進黨的趁機撻伐,也會帶來歷史的審判。連戰選擇談自由主義,宋楚瑜選擇談均富,自由民主和均富,恰恰是台灣人最在乎、最重要、最要保護、最不能動搖不能放棄的兩個核心價值。對於生活在大陸的有思想的人們而言,也恰恰是他們最願意為之奮鬥、為之努力不懈的目標。
…………….